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Kazi Nazrul Islam: More than a rebel poet || Azfar Hussain

Republished from DT archive: Tribute to Nazrul  History bristles with paradoxes and ironies. One such irony is that Kazi Nazrul Islam (1899...


Republished from DT archive: Tribute to Nazrul 

History bristles with paradoxes and ironies. One such irony is that Kazi Nazrul Islam (1899-1976) is our “national” poet. For our national ruling classes and their allies have long come to stand in for almost everything—every system of oppression—Nazrul himself continued to confront, challenge, and combat: capitalism, colonialism, communalism, racism, and patriarchy. Indeed, to re-read Nazrul today is to re-assert the three distinctly pronounced principles of our own unfinished National Liberation Movement of 1971—equality, justice, and dignity. These principles, I argue, deeply inform Nazrul’s entire work. His own line—“Of equality I sing”—constitutes a leitmotif in a number of his poems. But Nazrul is more than a didactic poet of principles. He is one of the major Bengali poets and one of the greatest revolutionary poets in the world, one who manifestly declares in “Dhumketu” [The Comet]: “I’ve come now for the great revolution.” Given that this is the centenary year of the Russian Revolution, it is relevant to recall that this very revolution serves as Nazrul’s fundamental inspiration throughout much of his work. 

I cannot help recalling two conversations surrounding Nazrul’s work in places outside Bangladesh. In January this year, I met a group of black communists in Havana, Cuba. I shared with them Nazrul’s poems that are both explosively political and intimately lyrical. Their immediate response registered their solidarity: “Nazrul is our poet—a Cuban poet as well.” I also had the chance to discuss Nazrul with the great Kenyan writer-activist Ngugi wa Thiong’o in Pullman, Washington, back in 2005. Ngugi wondered if I was talking about a “Kenyan poet.” That Nazrul might sound like a Cuban poet and a Kenyan poet at the same time cannot be reduced to a matter of mere well-meaning solidarity or appropriation. Nazrul was not familiar with either Cuban or Kenyan poetry. But the fact that his lines resonate with other revolutionaries from the "third-world" instructively points to the very character and content of Nazrul’s own work. Such work underlines his internationalism and universalism—a “universalism from below,” to use the Caribbean Marxist CLR James’s phrase. Nazrul is the only major Bengali poet to have come from the rural proletariat, one who effortlessly relates to the oppressed of the world. In his poem “Coolies and Laborers,” just to take one example, Nazrul raises his usual question: “How long will the oppressed be treated like this/ throughout the world?” 

But Nazrul’s universalism is no erasure of the particular. It is the other way around. It accentuates, clarifies, extends, and accounts for, the particular. Also, universalism itself is not exclusively the property of the European Enlightenment. It has long remained in indigenous, Islamic, and revolutionary traditions in different parts of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. It is not for nothing that the major Native American novelist Leslie Marmon Silko eagerly endorses Marx’s articulation of a revolutionary universalism, in the tradition of which, I argue, Nazrul can surely be situated. To see this point, one only need look at his 1925 collection of poems tellingly titled Sammayabadi [The Communist], not to mention his powerful and beautiful rendition of the communist anthem “The Internationale” in Bangla. 

But then Nazrul is first and foremost a poet of his own people—peasants and workers. Organically rooted in his own land, Nazrul offers words and works that are decisively forged in the fire of his people’s struggles against oppression and injustice in colonial India. 

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Nazrul takes poetry itself as a charged site of actions and interventions against different forms and forces of oppression and exploitation. As we would see, he takes poetry as an anti-colonial intervention in particular, given the determinate contradictions of the very historical moment that produced his work. 

Even his early stories, with which Nazrul began his writing career, at least partly attest to that intervention. But his voice as a whole can by no means be characterized quickly and one-sidedly, given his phenomenal productivity and the diversity of his passions, practices, and styles. Of course a poet and a musician in the first place, Nazrul is also a short-story writer, novelist, playwright, essayist, theorist (even a theorist of “world literature”), translator, film-maker, editor, journalist, even a drummer, and an actor. And he was a revolutionary activist, one for whom the borderlines between poetry and politics continued to dissolve at the battlefronts of history. But Nazrul’s productivity and preoccupations spanned a relatively brief period of twenty-four years between the two World Wars—from 1919 to 1942. Of those twenty-four years, Nazrul gave only twelve to poetry, and later increasingly moved on to the world of music, inaugurating—one might argue—an excitingly experimental chapter in the global history of music itself. His musical accomplishments are beyond the scope of this relatively short essay. But I intend to call attention to a few significant aspects of his work that revolutionized Bangla poetry. 

His enormous literary significance notwithstanding, Nazrul continues to remain ignored in contemporary studies of what’s called “World Literature” and even in postcolonial literary criticism today. Furthermore, comparative literary criticism in our parts of the world has hardly done justice to Nazrul's poetic interventions, hellbent as they are on blasting open the continuum of colonial history, while remaining committed to the emancipation of humanity in its entirety. I have pointed out elsewhere how the protocols of comparative literature—the ones that figures like Buddhodev Bose and Sudhin Dutta as well as their acolytes have mobilized—have proven not only outrageously misleading but also terribly Eurocentric. After all, comparison is no neutral thing. Comparison may mystify and even reinforce and reproduce unequal power relations among different subjects and sites and scenes. For instance, it is still customary to compare Nazrul Islam to Byron and Shelley and to even Rudyard Kipling, as Buddhodev Bose so uncritically did, so as to be able to account for Nazrul's “greatness,” while of course making the point that the West is the measure of all things literary and artistic. 

But if one has to make connections between Nazrul and other poets—no, a poet is not a solitary figure in the final instance—one might begin by placing Nazrul in the company of his own predecessors such as Nanok and Chandidas and Lalon on the one hand, and, on the other, in the company of such “third-world” revolutionary poets as Nazim Hikmet from Turkey, Pablo Neruda from Chile, Aimé Césaire from Martinique, Julia de Burgos from Puerto Rico, Faiz Ahmed Faiz from Pakistan, Roque Dalton from El Salvador, Otto Rene Castillo from Guatemala, Kim Chi Ha from Korea, Mahmud Darwish from Palestine, Jose Maria Sison from the Philippines, to name but a few. Comparison here—by making connections and zeroing in on historical specificities—may serve as a means to forging the kind of anti-colonial and insurrectionary solidarity Nazrul's own revolutionary universalism ardently accentuates on more occasions than one. I guess had Che Guevara known Nazrul's volcanic poem “Bidrohi” [The Rebel], Che would have probably kept it in his pocket all the time, where he almost always kept his favorite Neruda poems. 

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Let me return then to Nazrul’s most famous poem called “Bidrohi” [The Rebel] to see its aesthetic and political significance at this conjuncture.

I take “Bidrohi” as a revolutionary signifying intervention on behalf of the toiling masses in particular. Nazrul’s lines keep throbbing and pounding relentlessly like tidal waves in the space of this poem. In fact the entire poem moves at a whirlwind pace without losing its architectonic integrity, aesthetic beauty, and political vision. Nazrul seems to be taking to heart Marx’s famous injunction to writers: “Rub your conceptual blocs together in such a way that they catch fire!” “Bidrohi” to me is a fiery, blood-boiling poem of negation, rupture, assertion, affirmation, inauguration. The poem itself is a dialectical dance of the insurrectionary imagination in the high noon of British colonialism in India. 

An example of both literary and political rebellion, the poem unsettles an entire set of poetic or stylistic norms on the one hand and militantly confronts the oppressor of humanity on the other. One hardly finds a work in Bangla literature that formally and politically anticipates “Bidrohi”—a poem that combines in unprecedented ways a variety of metrical patterns and lexical resources. True, in “Bidrohi,” Nazrul seeks to confront and combat oppression of all forms. True, Nazrul was even sent to prison for writing poetry that fiercely fights the dominant. It is in this context also that one can place Nazrul in the company of some of those “third-world” revolutionary poet-activists I mentioned earlier—Hikmet , Dalton, Castillo, Faiz, Darwish, Kim Chi Ha, and Maria Sison—who all had to go to jail or prison because of their activist poetry that continues to threaten and unsettle the powerful and the dominant. 

While Nazrul’s poetry took him to prison, the language of his poetry ends up breaking the walls of that prison and even sets him free in a certain sense. “Bidrohi” dramatizes and mobilizes his accumulated resistance to the “prison-house of language.” Given this resistance, then, one can also place Nazrul in the tradition of his predecessors I already mentioned—Chandidas, Nanak, and Lalon Fakir—who all radically explore the power and limits of language, while seeking to evolve a new one by advocating the freedom of humanity. 

Also, in terms of literary rebellion, one might compare Nazrul to Michael Madhusudan Dutta, who inaugurated a decisive rupture with the literary tradition preceding him. Yet Nazrul is strikingly different from Madhusudan. Unlike him, Nazrul remains firmly, even organically, tied to his own people—poor peasants and workers. Thus one can easily take Nazrul as an example of Gramsci’s “organic intellectual,” who is different from a “traditional intellectual.” Like a true organic intellectual, then, Nazrul internalizes, articulates, and advances the cause of the oppressed—their aspirations, their nightmares and dreams, their struggle at more levels than one. As Nazrul maintains symptomatically in “Bidrohi:” ‘I am the pain and sorrow of all homeless sufferers/ I am the anguish of the insulted. . ." 

Surely “Bidrohi” can be read as an exemplary anti-colonial text—the kind of text that is animated and energized by opposition and resistance to colonialism. One may certainly profitably compare Nazrul’s “Bidrohi” to Yeats’s poetry of decolonization; Aimé Césaire’s anti-colonial poetry; Frantz Fanon’s liberationist counter-narrative of anti-imperialist resistance, and the works of other “third-world” writers that Edward Said catalogues and values in his Culture and Imperialism: José Martí, José Carlos Mariátegui, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Amilcar Cabral, among others. In fact, in his Culture and Imperialism, Said theorizes the very culture of opposition and resistance at some length, and maintains, “One of the first tasks of the culture of resistance was to reclaim, rename, and reinhabit the land. And with that came a whole set of further assertions, recoveries, and identifications, all of them quite literally grounded on this poetically projected base.” 

“Bidrohi” can certainly be read as a poem of assertions and identifications in the Saidian sense. Nazrul—as an act of identification and assertion—foregrounds, accentuates, enacts, repeats, and even renders ubiquitous the “I” of the poet. The “I” is used more than a hundred times. Also, he uses it with such force and fury that one gets the impression that Nazrul keeps exploding his verbal bombs one after another at the roots of colonialism—in fact at all forms and forces of oppression. Thus “Bidrohi” seems to be anticipating the spirit of one of the opening statements Fanon makes in The Wretched of the Earth: “Decolonization is a violent phenomenon.” And in his penchant for decolonization, then, Nazrul resorts to linguistic counter --“violence” in order to withstand and even completely do away with colonial violence itself in the very interest of building what Nazrul himself calls in the poem a “new universe of joy and peace.” 

But it is unfortunate that while Edward Said in his Culture and Imperialism—particularly in its chapter called “Resistance and Opposition”—invokes a number of anti-colonial poets and writers from Asia, Africa, and Latin America, he does not mention our Kazi Nazrul Islam at all. Said commends Rabindranath’s progressive take vis-à-vis nationalism, while rather uncritically placing him side-by-side with the Black theorist-writer-activist WEB Du Bois. But Nazrul remains absent in Said's otherwise massive undertaking. Probably this absence has to do with Said’s own lack of familiarity with Nazrul’s work in English translation. But one can surely argue that a reading of Nazrul’s work could have significantly contributed to the strength of Said’s chapter on anti-colonial resistance and opposition. 

As a text of resistance and opposition, “Bidrohi” first identifies a series of contraries and then morphs them into an aesthetically and politically strategic unity of opposites against colonialism and “communalism.” That strategic unity is particularly signaled and enacted by a movement from the “I” to the “We,” a movement that releases a radiant burst of a collective revolutionary subjectivity towards the end of the poem. 

Also, Nazrul’s style of bringing together different and disparate elements is revealing and instructive. He yokes together certain elements of Hindu mythology with those of Islam. The ways in which Nazrul brings together those different and even apparently contradictory elements do not, however, attest to an unproblematically orchestrated unity of Islam and Hinduism as such. But they strategically point to the tensions and transactions between the two in response to what Fanon calls the “perverted logic” of colonialism that is characteristically divisive. Also, at other levels, Nazrul’s language offers a frequent interplay between the poetic and the prosaic, between the lyrical and the dramatic, between the indigenous and the foreign. Nazrul combines lexical resources drawn from Arabic and Persian and Bangla in ways in which he inaugurates certain exciting relations of language in Bangla poetry itself. He chooses words and even localized idioms from rural Bangladesh, while using Sanskritized words on certain registers. Indeed, Nazrul creates a language that is markedly different from that of Rabindranath Tagore on the one hand, and, on the other, from the language of Bangla literary “modernism,” represented differently by such poets as Jibanananda Das, Sudhin Dutta, Amiya Chakravarty, Buddhadev Bose, and Vishnu Dey.

Finally, Nazrul remains alive and relevant as long as his lines continue to resonate with the wretched of the earth, with the oppressed of the world: “I, the great rebel,/ shall rest in quiet only when I find /The sky and the air free of the groans of the wretched of the earth.” Indeed, it is in the interest of our anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, anti-racist, and anti-patriarchal struggles that we need to re-read, remobilize, and even re-invent Nazrul.

Azfar Hussain is Vice-President of the Global Center for Advanced Studies (GCAS) and GCAS Professor of English, World Literature, and Interdisciplinary Studies. He is also Associate Professor of Integrative, Religious, and Intercultural Studies within the Brooks College of Interdisciplinary Studies at Grand Valley State University, Michigan and Summer Distinguished Professor of English and Humanities at the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh. He writes in both Bangla and English.


Badruddin Umar: Our leading Marxist revolutionary || Azfar Hussain

Badruddin Umar Photo: Courtesy Azfar Hussain December 20 marks the 89th birthday of Badruddin Umar. Bangladesh's foremost Marxist revolu...

December 20 marks the 89th birthday of Badruddin Umar. Bangladesh's foremost Marxist revolutionary—one who has been speaking truth to power for more than six decades now—Umar is the author of more than a hundred books and countless articles. His three-volume work on our Language Movement of 1952 called Purba Banglar Bhasha Andolon o Tatkaleen Rajneeti (The Language Movement in East Bengal and Contemporaneous Politics; 1970, 1976, 1981) is trailblazing, while his tour de force also includes his two-volume work titled The Emergence of Bangladesh (2004, 2006), published by Oxford University Press.

Indeed, we are yet to assess the entire range—staggering as it is—of Umar's contributions to studies of politics, culture and history, among others. I had the privilege of working with Umar closely for several years in the 1990s, as I worked as the General Secretary of Bangladesh Lekhak Shibir—the country's oldest national organisation of writers, artists and activists on the left—an organisation that Umar had led as its president for many years.

Theorist, historian, columnist, essayist, researcher, educationist, editor and political activist, Badruddin Umar studied at the University of Dhaka (DU) and Oxford University. He received his Honours degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics from Oxford. He first taught philosophy at DU, and at only 32, Umar joined Rajshahi University as the founder-chair of the Department of Political Science. He also founded the Department of Sociology there.

But in 1968—being in conflict with the government of Pakistan—Umar willingly abandoned his extraordinary academic career and turned to full-time political activism dedicated to the cause of peasants and workers. He has since been involved in communist politics while playing the role of a combative intellectual, for whom "writing is fighting." Umar is currently President of the National Liberation Council in Bangladesh and an active member of the Anti-Imperialist and Anti-Fascist Committee in the country. Also, he has been tirelessly editing the left magazine called Sanskriti for more than four decades now.

Given space constraints, I can barely even scratch the surface of Umar's massive oeuvre. But I should point out that Umar made his interventions as a historically grounded and politically engaged writer with the publications of his unparalleled trilogy—Sampradayikata (Communalism, 1966), Sanskritir Sankat (The Crisis of Culture, 1967), and Sanskritik Sampradayikata (Cultural Communalism, 1969). They are all groundbreaking interventions that for the first time acutely theorise in our contexts the dialectics of culture and politics vis-a-vis the phenomenal forms of "communalism." Indeed, no other writer has broached the question of communalism—while accentuating a historically specific interplay between colonialism and communalism itself—in ways in which Umar has done.

In short, Umar is a first-rate, indeed an outstanding, theorist of communalism in our part of the world. But to say that Umar is just a theorist of communalism is by no means adequate. When there was a strong need in the 1960s for a theoretical framework within which Bengali nationalism could be grasped in all its possible configurations and contours, Umar's trilogy made significant intellectual contributions to the growth of Bengali nationalism itself. To call him an early theorist of Bengali nationalism is certainly a right move in the direction of characterising part of his work.

Despite his extensive body of work, one may tabulate at least some of Umar's characteristic theoretical and thematic preoccupations pursued to varying degrees over the last six decades, during which he has been exemplarily steadfast in his commitment to the democratic and socialist transformation of class society. Some of those preoccupations, then, encompass the class question and for that matter the historical formations of the ruling classes and other classes in Bangladesh; the questions of realpolitik itself, informed as they all are by Marxism-Leninism as a rich body of dialectically engaged and interventionist analytic apparatuses and practices; the "political physics" of mass movements, including peasant, working-class and national liberation movements themselves; the rise of a historically determinate form of fascism in India and Bangladesh; and the demystifying and devastating ideology-critiques of the lumpenbourgeois political culture in Bangladesh, among numerous other topics.

Let me now briefly return to Umar's three-volume work on our Language Movement. It is here where one can underline Badruddin Umar's contributions as a historian. But to say that Umar is an important historian of that movement is only a slender acknowledgement of his actual achievements. Umar's contributions primarily reside in mobilising, for the first time in our country, a particularly radical and sustained approach that views history itself from below or that recognises the people themselves—workers and peasants in particular—as the true protagonists of history. Running against the grain of traditional, bourgeois, elitist and colonialist historiographies, Umar's work for the first time—empirically, historically and analytically—reveals that the Language Movement is not just a movement of some middle-class leaders or enthusiasts, but a movement of the masses, a movement in which their liberationist and emancipatory consciousness manifested itself in some form.

On January 12, 2016, the poet Alfred Khokon and I visited Badruddin Umar at his residence in Mirpur, Dhaka. That evening was full of Umar's energetic and spirited presence, accompanied by his unflagging verbal zest. He recounted many stories of his life, including the ones that are not probably covered in his multi-volume autobiography Amar Jeebon (My Life). I did not know until then that Umar could recite so wonderfully well! He recited verses first from Madhusudan Dutta and then from Rabindranath Tagore. And, finally, from Ghalib and the great Urdu Marxist poet Faiz Ahmed Faiz.

Umar recalled his meetings with Faiz himself, while telling us how he felt when he received a lovely letter from Faiz at a time when the poet was visiting Algeria. Umar also fondly recalled his conversations with the world-famous Marxist Ernest Mandel—the author of Late Capitalism—and the American Marxist political economist Paul Sweezy. Both of them respected Umar for his work, although Umar did not always concur with them.

Let me conclude with a few words concerning Umar's character and disposition. Unusually courageous and uncompromising and principled as he has always been, Badruddin Umar has never in his life sought power in the establishment and cheap comforts in his life. Simplicity, straightforwardness and honesty are the hallmarks of Umar. Further, it is none but Badruddin Umar who could reject, as he did, prize after prize— and the most "prestigious" ones at that—including the Bangladesh Itihas Parishad Prize, the Bangla Academy Prize, and even the Ekushey Padak, telling us rightly that prizes are never innocent vis-a-vis the power of mainstream institutions. In this respect—as in others—Umar has simply no parallel in the history of Bangladesh. It's not for nothing that Ahmed Sofa said once: "I'm proud to be alive in the time of Umar." Indeed, Umar represents a paradigmatic combination of oppositionality, integrity and dignity in a society where compromise and opportunism continue to be deemed the qualities of the "fittest" and the "smartest".

On the occasion of his 89th birthday, I dedicate to Badruddin Umar a short poem by his own favourite poet and comrade Faiz Ahmed Faiz—a poem that I myself translated into English, a poem whose injunction is already realised in the life and work of Umar:

Speak, your lips are free.

Speak, it is your own tongue.

Speak, it is your own body.

Speak, your life is still yours.

See how in the blacksmith's shop

The flame burns wild, the iron glows red;

The locks open their jaws,

And every chain begins to break.

Speak, this brief hour is long enough

Before the death of body and tongue:

Speak, 'cause the truth is not dead yet,

Speak, speak, whatever you must speak.


Remembering and Rereading Rokeya: Patriarchy, Politics, and Praxis || Azfar Hussain

Azfar Hussain I repeat the same truth, and, if required, I will repeat it a hundred times. — Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (translation mine)   Wh...

I repeat the same truth, and, if required, I will repeat it a hundred times.

— Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain

(translation mine)

 

What's the worst that could happen to me if I tell this truth?

—Audre Lorde

 

December 09 marks both the birth and death anniversaries of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880-1932). The Rokeya Day in Bangladesh also falls on December 09. Indeed, Rokeya has by now been institutionalized, iconized, and, for that matter, even reified. This means a certain misappropriation and depoliticization of her work as well. But there are now several biographies of Rokeya and scores of books and articles on her. Although I do not intend to recount Rokeya's biographical details here, I should stress the point right at the outset: Rokeya's life as a Muslim woman—lived courageously and even dangerously—illustrates nothing short of sustained struggles against religious bigotry, lack of education, shifting vectors and valences of colonialism, patriarchy affecting the practice of everyday life, and other forms and forces of oppression in colonial Bengal in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

Theorist-activist, essayist, fiction-writer, poet, translator, journalist, educationist, organizer—and an organic intellectual in her own right—Rokeya produced a remarkable corpus of written works, making distinctive contributions to Bangla literature while articulating—with full force—the cause of women with a particular, if not exclusive, focus on their education and emancipation. Roushan Jahan already characterized Rokeya as "the perceptive feminist foremother," given the ways in which she anticipates a constellation of feminist questions and concerns broached later, although Rokeya and what a whole host of third-world feminists have called "Western, white feminism" do not go hand in hand. 

Rokeya's important works include Motichur, vol. 1 (1904); Motichur, vol.2 (1921); her only novel Padmaraag (1924); and Aborodhbashini (date uncertain), among numerous others. Rokeya knew five languages—Bengali, English, Urdu, Arabic, and Persian—while she directly wrote in three of them—Bengali, Urdu, and English. Her work "Sultana's Dream"—a novella first written in English and later translated into Bengali by the author herself—is usually described as "a feminist utopia" that, as Roushan Jahan rightly points out, "antedates by a decade the much better-known feminist utopian novel Herland by [the American novelist and poet] Charlotte Perkins Gilman" (1860-1935).

Yet another work in English by Rokeya is instructively titled "God Gives, Man Robs" (1927). It's a powerful essay that carries her famous words: "There is a saying, 'Man proposes, God disposes,' but my bitter experience shows that God gives, Man Robs. That is, Allah has made no distinction in the general life of male and female—both are equally bound to seek food, drink, sleep, etc., necessary for animal life. Islam also teaches that male and female are equally bound to say their daily prayers five times, and so on." Some contend that this work advances Rokeya's nuanced version of what is called "Islamic feminism" at a conjuncture that witnesses androcentric and colonialist abuses of religion itself. Rokeya of course already puts it clearly and simply: "Men dominate women in the name of religion" (translation mine).       

Although it is impossible for me to characterize or summarize the entire range of Rokeya's written works, I can readily call attention to one particularly predominant concern that prompts, energizes, and constitutes the very production of her words and her world: the woman question relating to the question of the total emancipation of humanity—of both women and men. And the woman question itself is constitutively and irreducibly a revolutionary question insofar as in the final instance it prompts us to interrogate, combat, challenge, and even destroy the historically produced system of male domination called patriarchy on the one hand, and, on the other, those systems of domination and exploitation that variously support and even enhance patriarchy itself. And Rokeya's specifically revolutionary stance decisively resides not only in raising the woman question but also in making that question integral and inevitable to the entire horizon of her work—literary, pedagogical, organizational, social, familial.

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Let me return to "Sultana's Dream" (1905), because a number of its aspects still continue to remain ignored, although these days this work often gets discussed by those who claim to do postcolonial studies. I think this work is more than just a subversive and satirical intervention in the genre of what might be called "political dream-fiction" or "political science fiction." And I read it as a work offering—through a radical reversal of the patriarchal or male-dominated order of things—a social imaginary that looks forward to, or even creates in imagination, a space and a place in which not only patriarchy spells out its own death but in which also science, political economy, ecology, and the forces of nature and the forms of justice remain adequately responsive to one another in the best interest of not only all humans but also all living beings themselves. And, thus, this work remains opposed to the destructive and oppressive logic of colonialism, militarism, and masculinism—and even anthropocentrism—profoundly interconnected as they are. In "Sultana's Dream," Rokeya also brilliantly anticipates a version of feminist science, offering a critique of colonialism's relationship with science as a power/knowledge network. Indeed, "Sultana's Dream" is, thematically and stylistically, the first work of its kind in the entire history of literary productions in Bengal.

Rokeya is also an early but powerful theorist of women's liberation, a tireless organizer, an exemplary pedagogist of hope, and even a revolutionary in her own right. And her revolutionary moves reside in ways in which she gave voice, at the beginning of the twentieth century, to an entire generation of women struggling in confinement, or struggling against the purdah system itself, against the abuse of religion, against the shackles of not just double but multiple colonizations of women by patriarchy and colonialism and 'feudalism,' for instance.

Rokeya's work Aborodhbashini is often reckoned the locus classicus of the discourse surrounding the purdah system, but does Rokeya combat the system of women's seclusion and segregation à la Western feminists? No. For Rokeya, purdah is not just a floating signifier but heavily meaning-loaded, conjunctural, contextual; it's more than an external veil covering a face or any part of the body, but it refers to an entire system of both mental and physical imprisonment to which the questions of colonial patriarchy and patriarchal colonialism remain relevant. Rokeya says: "The Parsi women have gotten rid of the veil but have they got rid of their mental slavery [manosik dasattya]?" (my translation). It's here where Rokeya not only anticipates Kazi Nazrul's own formulation of "mental slavery" (moner golami)—but she also accentuates--way before Frantz Fanon and Paulo Freire and Ngugi wa Thiong'o—the need for anti-colonial, emancipatory education for both women and men.

Last, Rokeya is also a politically engaged satirical poet whose apparently playful wit and sarcasm could be devastatingly subversive at times. Some of her famous poems include "Banshiful," "Nalini o Kumud," "Saugat," "Appeal," "Nirupam Bir," and "Chand." And her poetic but satirical interventions at various levels keep making the basic point about praxis itself: your silence is not going to protect you. Notice, then, a stanza in a poem she wrote as a response to those sell-outs, those middle-class bhadralok collaborators of the Raj who not only resorted to silence, but who were also nervous about losing their "honorific titles," in the face of the Indian nationalist movement gathering momentum in 1922:

The dumb and silent have no foes

That's how the saying goes

All of us with titled tails

Keep so quiet telling no tales

Then comes a bolt from the blue

Passes belief, but it's true

All of you who did not speak

Will lose your tails fast and quick

Come my friends and declare now

In loud and loyal vow

Listen, ye world, we are not

God's truth, a seditious lot

(quoted in Bharati Ray's Early Feminists of Colonial India)

I've so far quickly contoured only a few areas of Rokeya's interventions, but I've tried to convey at least the impression that honoring the legacy of her work calls for rereading, remobilizing, and even reinventing Rokeya in the interest of our struggles for destroying patriarchy and all systems of oppression.


Mathematics and Poetry: Some Impressions || Azfar Hussain

I think I've always loved mathematics in my own ways. True, given the kinds of options that were available in my high school, I enthusia...


I think I've always loved mathematics in my own ways.

True, given the kinds of options that were available in my high school, I enthusiastically opted for what was then called the "Humanities Group." But I enrolled in that group—and later majored in literature—not out of my fear or dislike of mathematics as such.

In fact, very early on in my life, I used to look at mathematical symbols—or, say, at certain mathematical "compositions"—as I would look at paintings or even poems with a sense of awe and wonder. The symbols arranged in certain order on a page—or for that matter, patterns rendered visible—simply looked beautiful to me. They still do. Once in my dream, a dream that I vividly recall, I saw how an entire Shakespearean sonnet morphed into a 14-line mathematical equation right under my eyes!

Indeed, way before I began to read the French philosopher Alain Badiou—whose love of mathematics is unmistakable—I had realized in my own way that mathematics is more than just logical proofs; that mathematics cannot always be reduced to conventional logic; and that mathematics at a certain level does not have to do with even computational accuracy but it surely involves the power of our imagination.

As I recall, I even told a mathematics teacher during my Dhaka University undergrad days that there's poetry in mathematics. He laughed out loud, thinking that I was crazy or even stoned out on pot.

But I was surely high on the poetry of mathematics itself.

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The more I read Dante's epic poetry on the one hand, and examine Bhaskaracharya's mathematical works on the other, the more I realize that there has always been some poetry in mathematics and some mathematics in poetry. Of course, poets have long mobilized mathematical imagery, ideas, and insights. Many mathematicians, on the other hand, are known for using poetic lines, images, metaphors. I find it both interesting and instructive that the earliest poet known by name is also the earliest mathematician known by name—Enheduanna. She was the chief priestess of the moon god Nana in the city of Ur and daughter of the Akkadian king Sargon, one who was known to govern the region of Sumer during the period between 2334 and 2279 BCE.

In their book Discovering Patterns in Mathematics and Poetry, Marcia Birken and Anna C. Koon rightly provide other examples of poet-mathematicians that history has witnessed: Eratosthenes of Greece (274-194 BCE), Omar Khayyam (1048-1131), Lewis Carroll (1832-1898), Piet Hein (1905-1996)), among others. All of them—their different styles and approaches notwithstanding—found striking and even stimulating parallels between poetry and mathematics, even anticipating Ezra Pound's crisp contention that poetry is a kind of inspired mathematics, among other things.

As Pound puts it: "Poetry is a sort of inspired mathematics, which gives us equations, not for abstract figures, triangles, squares, and the like, but for the human emotions." But, then, it is also true that certain kinds of poems—variously known as typographical poems, concrete poems, prometa figurata, or visual poems, or carmen figuratum—directly provide those figures, triangles, and squares Pound speaks of. One can readily think of the French poet Guillaume Apollinaire and the American poet e. e. cummings and even—before them—the great French poet Stéphane Mallarmé, among numerous others, who produced typographical poems, attesting to their geometrical imagination.

We discuss some of their poems in a course called "Creativity" that I teach relatively regularly at an American university. It's an interdisciplinary course predicated on the assumption that creativity is not the territory exclusively inhabited and owned by the privileged few but that creativity is to be found in the entire range of lived human practices. Students in this course explore, among other things, not only the apparent similarities and dissimilarities between mathematics and poetry as such, but also the poetic in mathematics and the mathematical in poetry.

We use the text instructively titled Strange Attractors: Poems of Love and Mathematics, edited by Sarah Glaz and JoAnne Growney, among other works. That international anthology not only features mathematically inspired poems by such figures as John Donne, Elizabeth Barret Browning, Emily Dickinson, Rafael Alberti, Langston Hughes, Pablo Neruda, Duniya Mikhail, but also some great selections from Dante's Divina Commedia (Paradiso: Canto XXXIII).

We had numerous discussions surrounding those works, making all sorts of points vis-à-vis the relationship between mathematics and poetry while one consensus had already emerged: that all the poets I've cited above have what my students themselves came to call a "strong mathematical imagination." I then shared with them the words of the great nineteenth-century mathematician Karl Weierstrass: "It is true that a mathematician, who is not somewhat of a poet, will never be a perfect mathematician."

Weierstrass suggests that both poets and mathematicians pay utmost attention to language itself, avoiding what's unnecessary or even inelegant, and that both cannot operate without using their imagination, striving for the highest excellence at the levels of both language and imagination. The nineteenth-century English mathematician Augustus de Morgan even puts it bluntly: "The moving power of mathematical invention is not reasoning but imagination." 

Remaining attentive to the power of both imagination and language, students in my "Creativity" class further explored certain connections among poetry, music, and mathematics, while even choreographing some lines from Dante's Divine Comedy—lines that deploy geometrical images and metaphors with superb effects! Our conversation surrounding the metaphor of "squaring the circle" led to a fascinating discussion concerning numbers themselves—numbers that are rational, irrational, algebraic, even transcendental. And I was then continuously thinking of Pablo Neruda's poem called "Ode to Numbers" side by side with Alain Badiou's book Number and Numbers as well as the American poet Carl Sandburg's poem "Number Man," while we also talked about the effects of what are called "logarithmic spirals"—ones famously described by the French mathematician and philosopher René Descartes and ones abundantly available in nature itself.

And, finally, the class as a whole, I thought, experienced the sheer beauty of mathematics itself, as we watched and discussed a few videos about the infinite geometry of doodling itself, making the point that to doodle is to produce an infinite number of beautiful spatial patterns—patterns that can even sing, dance, act. Is geometry itself then music spatialized? The answer in the class was in the affirmative. And speaking of patterns, I recall the English mathematician G.H. Hardy: "A mathematician, like a painter or poet, is a maker of patterns."

Now one might still wonder what is actually so poetic about mathematics. The writer JoAnne Growney (whom I mentioned earlier) brings up certain examples of fine poetry within mathematics in the form of rhetorical questions: "Is Euclid's proof of the infinitude of primes poetic? What about the Pythagorean Theorem or the equation that asserts that the sum of all negative powers of 2 is equal to 1?" She offers her own choice that I find agreeable. It's the "Pigeonhole Principle," which, as she succinctly puts it, "is a statement that, like a mantra, and like a good poem, takes on new meaning again and again: if the number of pigeons residing in your pigeon house is more than the number of pigeonholes, then at least one pigeonhole must have more than one pigeon."

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Let me now categorically and quickly make a few more points concerning the relationship between mathematics and poetry, while also keeping in mind the question of music as well as the world in which we produce our poetic, mathematical, and musical works.

To begin with, basic things like rhythm, rhyme, order, pattern, symmetry, symbols—ones that variously obtain in poetic production—immediately involve the mathematical itself. Moreover, while both poetry and mathematics deliver their "truths"—as Emily Dickinson once put it: "Tell all the truth but tell it slant"—it is also true that both mathematics and poetry also continue to suggest and provoke all possible combinations and configurations of symbolic and tropic phenomena, which, however, remain anchored in the material world in the final instance.

And, of course, music and mathematics—as many musicologists have shown—speak to one another in various ways. But their exchanges do not merely reside in how they symbolically represent our world, but also lie in the ways in which both 'make' and mobilize abstractions that—however heightened and 'pure'—cannot simply free-float out of the horizon of human history.

Further, as far as mathematics in particular is concerned, it cannot but function rhetorically ('rhetoric' being the art and science of persuasion). Think, then, of the ways in which mathematics, like poetry, uses analogies, homologies, contiguities, substitutions, equivalences, and so on—or, say, simile, metaphor, metonymy, synecdoche, and so on—while also mathematics, like music in particular, uses refrains and repetitions—also to be found in poetry—while even improvising so many different kinds of syllogisms in their attempts to persuade.

But all mathematical and poetic tropologics—if you will—finally remain anchored in the material world insofar as the act of making connections and combinations—an act that is of course common to both mathematics and poetry—cannot operate in vacuo, but certainly needs a base. And that very base is constituted by the body and nature.

 

Azfar Hussain teaches in the Integrative, Religious, and Intercultural Studies Department within the Brooks College of Interdisciplinary Studies, Grand Valley State University in Michigan, and is Vice-President of the Global Center for Advanced Studies, New York, USA.


Comparative Literature, Political Economy, and the Question of Decolonization: A Quick Note || Azfar Hussain

Comparison itself cannot but be a contested force-field of unequal production relations and power relations. We have seen how comparisons ha...

Comparison itself cannot but be a contested force-field of unequal production relations and power relations. We have seen how comparisons have inundated the field of Bengali literary criticism in all sorts of ways: for instance, Plato and Patanjali, Shakespeare and the indigenous Bengali form of theatre called "jatra," Pound and even Khayyam, Eliot and Bishnu Dey--just to mention but a few--have been compared with high-voltage zeal and enthusiasm.
Of course, such comparisons might look very exciting. But arguably they do not always do justice to the "differentia specifica" of sites, subjects, signs, and scenes characterized by unequal production relations and power relations.
Indeed, comparison is no neutral or innocuous practice. Comparison itself may mystify and even reinforce and reproduce asymmetrical power relations between different subjects and sites and scenes. To provide a quick example from my own part of the world: It is still customary to compare the Bengali revolutionary poet Qazi Nazrul Islam to Byron and Shelley and to even Rudyard Kipling, as the comparatist Buddhodev Bose and his acolytes, among many others, so uncritically did, so as to be able to account for Nazrul's “greatness,” while of course directly or indirectly indicating that those canonical white literary figures continue to constitute the standards or yardstick whereby the other can be evaluated--respected or denigrated or whatever, and that the 'West" is the measure of all things literary and artistic. Unequal exchange here? Yes.
But it is important that we confront, challenge, even unsettle and dismantle the Eurocentric protocols of comparative literature. One may surely look for alternative ways of doing and even decolonizing comparative literature.
Against the grain of identity-and-difference-fetishizing alterity discourse that continues to characterize multiculturalist comparative criticism even today, one may look for a dialectically engaged comparative approach to see what comparative literature itself can learn from Marx’s value theory. For value theory itself brings up the questions of comparison, exchange, equalization, and erasure all at once under capitalism. For instance, a comparative approach may demystify how the very capitalist law of value—governing what I wish to call the “M-C-M'-ization of the world” (M stands for money, C for commodity, and M' for more money or capital in the famous Marxian circuit of capital [Marx Capital Vol. 1])—always subordinates use value to exchange value, and, for that matter, erases concrete labor in favor of abstract labor in the process of valorization. Thus it erases differential particularisms and reifies abstractions that not only affect society at large but also even one’s mode of comparison as a literary and cultural practice, ideologically inflected as it is. I think it is possible to make the conceptual resources and analytical apparatus of the Marxian critique of political economy internal to comparative criticism itself.
Of course, a comparative approach may call attention to both similarities and differences among writers and may make even revealing connections among them. But at the same time one’s approach should remain attentive to their historical specificities and to actually existing unequal production relations and power relations that characterize the entire mode of cultural production on a planetary scale, governed as it is by the globalized law of value. Thus this approach may help us to see how these very relations of production variously inform, inflect, structure, and texture creative works as well as the ideological orientations of their authors. Further, comparison may serve as a means to rendering visible already-existing insurrectionary and anti-imperial solidarity among different anticolonial, socialist writers across the tricontinent. A whole host of creative figures ranging from the Bengali poet Qazi Nazrul Islam to the Caribbean poet-activist Aimé Césaire to the Kenyan writer-activist Ngugi wa Thiong’o accentuated the need for such solidarity on more occasions than one.
[Here's a link to a television discussion in Bengali--one in which I bring up a few of the above issues in some specific contexts and configurations:]



ALAIN BADIOU: THE GLOBAL, THE INTERNATIONAL, AND THE UNIVERSAL [A QUICK, ROUGH NOTE]

I think the term “global” has by now been misused, overused, and even abused, and I see how the term becomes slippery and imprecise. An...


I think the term “global” has by now been misused, overused, and even abused, and I see how the term becomes slippery and imprecise. And because of its imprecision, it tends to be hospitable—if not hostile—to all kinds of appropriations and interpretations. Indeed, everyone wants to be global; transnational corporations want to be global; the US wants to be global, and so on. Indeed, what has already come to be known as “globalization” has already prompted the production and circulation of the term “global.” And the global as a term, as an orientation, as an adjective, and as a noun has had various appeals for imperialists and anti-imperialists alike.

On a somewhat different register: the term “global” has various disciplinary and interdisciplinary resonances and inflections. For instance, we have the “global field” in mathematics, “global serializibility” in data management; “global symmetry” in quantum field theory; “global variable” in computer programming, and so on. Then in the field of traditional political philosophy—to which Alain Badiou’s “metapolitics” remains firmly opposed—we have what they call “global governance,” somewhat akin to the UN mode of “globality.” And, further, there is this term “globalism.” And what’s globalism?

In his book called _Globalism, Nationalism, Tribalism: Bringing Theory Back In_, the Australian cultural critic Paul James defines globalism “at least in its more specific use ... as the dominant ideology and subjectivity associated with different historically-dominant formations of global extension." He adds: "definition thus implies that there were pre-modern or traditional forms of globalism and globalization long before the driving force of capitalism sought to colonize every corner of the globe, for example, going back to the Roman Empire in the second century CE, and perhaps to the Greeks of the fifth-century BCE.” And in his book _The Collapse of Globalism and the Reinvention of the World_, the Canadian philosopher John Ralston Saul reckoned globalism as coterminous with neoliberalism and neoliberal globalization. He argued that, far from being an inevitable force, globalization is already breaking up into contradictory pieces and that citizens are reasserting their national interests in both positive and destructive ways.

Given all this then, can the global be thought? I’m raising this question in the shadow of Badiou’s old but famous question “Can politics be thought?” In order to address this question, one may turn to Badiou who speaks of the international and the universal. In fact, he talks more about the universal than about the global.

In a significant 2005 interview in the _Ashley Global Review_, Badiou was asked this question: “You said that the majority of the people in the world have nothing, in the sense that they all have is their discipline, and this discipline is the potential for collective political action. Could you talk about, first of all, the anti-globalization movement and then what you see as the role of those activists in the affluent West who express solidarity with the challenges that people are facing directly?” Badiou answers this question as a philosopher and as a political activist—an answer that is both instructive and suggestive on more levels than one. And here’s Badiou’s answer—one that begins by finding relationships: “The question is to find the relationship between the anti-globalization movement and the large masses of people in the South because politics is today, by necessity, an international one.” Mark how Badiou’s accent falls acutely on the word “international”—a term that the Marxist-Leninist tradition has characteristically privileged.

But Badiou—one who emphasizes taking steps further in his _Manifesto for Philosophy_—adds: “We cannot really have a hope only in one nation, in one space, because capitalism is the complete movement of globalization and so the organization of something like a new way in politics will certainly be at the international level. But, it is the same question, finally, in a smaller space. In France, it is certainly a necessity if you’ve to do some real politics, to organize, for example, a relation between some revolutionary intellectuals and some workers without papers. Without something like that, there is no possibility of new experimentation in the social field.”

Mark the way in which Badiou—using the term “international” explicitly here—politicizes the very notion of the international, and it’s important to note that among the 4 conditions of philosophy such as science, art, politics, and love—it’s politics that continues to constitute Badiou’s most persistent and even most passionate concern. So by politicizing the idea of the international, Badiou, of course, runs counter to the postmodern, apolitical, liberal idea of “cosmopolitanism.” And Badiou’s suggestion surrounding the relation between revolutionary intellectuals—not just intellectuals in the ordinary sense, but “revolutionary intellectuals, as Badiou puts it”—and workers is crucial. It’s this relation that is also critical to a new politics and to the international as such.

But Badiou doesn’t stop there. I can’t help quoting Badiou at some length here: “In the great scale it’s the same thing because you’ve to organize a relation between intellectual protestation, intellectual revolt against globalization, and the situation of poor people and weak people in the South. In any case, to find a new way, we have to create new relations between that are separated in fact. A student in the Western world and a peasant in Africa are very separated. They are not in the same world. That sort of division is fundamental for the development of capitalism itself. The question of discipline is also the question of unity, but what sort of unity? In the old time, it was certainly the unity between some intellectuals, a fraction of the intellectuals and the workers. During one century and much more, that was the case. What is the question today? In the international field we have to find something new which is a relation with the large masses of people in the South. And so for some time, the question will be: What’s the new form of internationalism? Affirmative internationalism, new organization, not only protestation against globalization, but affirmation of a common political will. There’s practically nothing. We are in the very beginning of the question.”

So, yes, the question here is one of creating new relations—ones that will lead to an affirmation of a common political will against, say, capitalism under which we all live. I should point out here that Badiou is urging us to re-invent Marxism itself in the interest of the absolute emancipation of humanity in its entirety, although it’s true that Badiou’s own kind of “Marxism” eschews the Hegelian notion of the “Whole” and historical materialism and the Marxian critique of political economy as such. Whether Badiou is a Marxist or not is another issue, something into which I cannot go now owing to time constraints, but it is also true that Badiou himself thinks he is one. Also, by now we’ve all kinds of debates surrounding Badiou’s Marxism.

But let me return to the question of internationalism.

So what is the new form of internationalism? This is a crucial question, for we cannot do anything really effective against capitalism without addressing this question—the question of—to use Badiou’s words again—“a complete transformation of the world?” I do not have a straightforward answer to these questions; nor does even Badiou provide a straightforward answer! Badiou himself suggests that sometimes raising an important question is more important than providing an immediate answer, while finding an answer here is a matter of ideological struggle or even what I wish to call “philosophical struggle” surrounding what Badiou calls “truth,” in this instance “political truth.” As Badiou would say in the manner of Mao: “Cast away illusions, prepare to struggle.”

Now let me turn to the question of the universal. In fact, Badiou already provided eight theses on the universal. I’ll present them one by one.. Number One: “Thought is the proper medium of the universal.” Number Two: “Every universal is singular, or is a singularity.” Number Three: “Every universal originates in an event, and the event is intransitive to the particularity of the situation. Number Four: “A universal initially presents itself as a decision about an undecidable.” Number Five: “The universal has an implicative structure.” Number Six: “The universal is univocal.” Number Seven: “Every universal situations remains incompletable or open.” Number Eight: “Universal is nothing other than the faithful construction of an infinite generic multiple.”

I argue that the first thesis provided by Badiou is the most crucial one, one that lays the foundations for his subsequent theses. So let me dwell on the first thesis to see what Badiou is up to. As far as thought is the proper medium of the universal, Badiou suggests that thought for him means the subject itself. But then Badiou adds something more to it: that thought means the subject insofar as it is constituted through a process that is transversal relative to the totality of available forms of knowledge. In this regard, Badiou quotes Lacan by asserting that it’s the subject insofar as it constitutes a hole in knowledge.

Badiou doesn’t stop there. Let me quote Badiou again: “That the thought is the proper medium of the universal means that nothing exists as universal if it takes the form of the object or of objective legality.” Thus, according to Badiou, the universal is not just a given residing within the horizon of what’s called history, but the universal is produced via the event that opens up truths constituting the subject. As Badiou puts it, “the universal can be produced only through the production or reproduction of a trajectory of thought, and this trajectory constitutes or reconstitutes a subjective disposition.”

That being said, Badiou moves onto the question of the thought as what he calls the “subject-thought” and maintains, “ That/ thought, as subject-thought, is constituted through a process/ means that the universal is in no way the result of a transcendental constitution, which would presuppose a constituting subject.” It’s here that Badiou, his certain Hegelianism notwithstanding, parts company with Hegel himself.

Mark what Hegel says: “[...] reflection is always seeking for something fixed and permanent, definite itselfand governing the particulars. This universal which cannot be apprehended by the senses counts as the true and essential….In thus characterizing the universal, we become aware of its antithesis to something else. This something else is the merely immediate, outward and individual, as opposed to the mediate, inward, and universal. The universal doesn’t exist externally to the outward eye as the universal. The kind as kind cannot be perceived: the laws of the celestial motions are not written on the sky. The universal is neither seen nor heard, its existence is only for the mind.”

Well, I guess Badiou would agree with Hegel insofar as the universal cannot be seen and heard and that it doesn’t exist externally, but he’ll certainly part company with Hegel when he maintains that the universal "is only for the mind.” For Badiou is very concerned with the subject, while asserting: “the opening up of the possibility of a universal is the precondition for there being a subject-thought at the local level. The subject is invariably summoned as thought at a specific point of that procedure through which the universal is constituted. The universal is at once what determines its own points as subject-thoughts and the virtual recollection of those points. Thus, the central dialectic at work in the universal is that of the local, as subject, and the global, as infinite procedure. This dialectic is constitutive of thought.” Thus, Badiou theorizes the relationship between the local and the global and the universal here.

James Joyce: Some Quick, Informal, Nocturnal Notes || Azfar Hussain

I keep returning to James Joyce's _Ulysses_. Despite what the massive industry of bourgeois aesthetics and poetics has hitherto d...


I keep returning to James Joyce's _Ulysses_. Despite what the massive industry of bourgeois aesthetics and poetics has hitherto done to the canonization of Joyce (Derrida, too, loved Joyce, as Derrida even loved Marx or at least some of his ghosts!), I find this Irish trickster and tropester—James Joyce—politically active, engaged, and significant on more scores than one.

For instance, after having read a pop manual called _Guerrilla Marketing_ by Jay Conrad Levinson, an undertaking in which he provides a cartography of hundreds of guerrilla marketing strategies, I once returned to _Ulysses_ and thought that _Guerrilla Marketing_ might be read as a random, right-wing bricolage of watered-down paraphrases of Joycean tropes, tenors, and texts—ones that, on the other hand, constitute Joyce's own brand of what I wish to call "guerrilla semiotics."

What, then, is this damn thing called "guerrilla semiotics?" I'll provide my own spin. To put it quickly and roughly: "Guerrilla semiotics" for me enacts and mobilizes—as well as defers and withdraws—cycles of the production, exchange, distribution, and consumption of signs to launch attacks on received or hegemonic assumptions, meanings, metaphors, or signs at unpredictable moments.

And signs? With V.N. Volosinov—author of that groundbreaking Marxist semiotic work called _Marxism and the Philosophy of Language_—I, too, would submit that signs are not neutral; that they are material and ideologically inflected.

Now let's think of Bloom's (Joyce's character in _Ulysses_) theory and practice of advertising. Bloom does not merely work for an ad company but he also designs ads. His designs seem to be responding quite well to the tenor of his own discourse that re-inscribes his attachment to figures of circulation, exchange, cyclicity, and renewal. I vividly recall his bicycle poster. It condenses both bicycle and the spectator into twin synecdoches, while his ad for Keys appropriates the political and religious metonymy of keys and re-anchors it to another semiotic register. Both stimulate the refiguration of the viewer and instigate an exchange of symbolic currency.

While enacting this exchange, however, Joyce also suggests how both the bicycle and the key are more meaningful for consumption than otherwise, when they all "fall" outside the logic of capital. I know this needs more elaboration, but I'm trying to make a point at a very rudimentary level here. That is, Bloom enunciates his theory of motion: "good ads" should arrest attention, convince, and decide, and an ideal "ad" should even stop time despite the "velocity of modern life."

Stopping time? Which time? What time? Where? Joyce tangentially points to the temporality of money (or money-time)—one that carries within it the blood of laborers globally and locally. Finally, in _Ulysses_, when the sign (or the "Ultimate Signified?") "God" slips into a combination of letters which one begins to read backwards as in a retroactive reading (say as "Dog"), one immediately comes to have at least a feel of Joyce's guerrilla semiotics. There are of course numerous instances of this kind in Joyce, ones that trigger signification at some odd, unexpected, and unpredictable moments that an entire range of capitalist strategies—their remarkable resilience notwithstanding—cannot immediately appropriate or assimilate into their own circuits of signs.

We need, yes, guerrillas of different kinds—among many other things, of course—to produce "short-circuitings" within systems of appropriation and domination themselves. I'd re-read Joyce further, then.


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"It is a mistake for you to imagine that my political opinions are those of a universal lover: but they are those of a socialistic artist."

—James Joyce, 1905


Enda Duffy's book _The Subaltern Ulysses_ raises quite a question: Might an IRA bomb and Joyce's _Ulysses_ have anything in common? I think that question is more a statement than an interrogation sensu stricto. Joyce is at least an anti-imperial guerrilla-'bomber' in _Ulysses_.

By the way, a white frat boy—an English major—told us in a class I taught back at Washington State University (a class in which I used a selection from _Ulysses_): "I wonder if Joyce writes correct and proper English." Joyce himself provides an answer: "Syntax? No syntax but sin-talks." And it's no news that his "sin-talks"—and what I've called above his "guerrilla semiotics"—certainly unsettle standard, bourgeois linguistic expectations, as does Joyce's fiercely scatological imagination bursting profusely in his jokes on shitting and fucking and money.

And speaking of money, I notice—with deep interest—the ways in which _Ulysses_ implicates the body in language, language in money, and money in everything that circulates: sewage, semen, gossip, letters, telegrams, ads, pop songs, newspapers, commodities, disease, and the literary tradition itself. It seems to me Joyce enacts his "political economy" of bodies, words, and things as the interpenetrating systems of exchange and circulation, which correspond to the wider economic systems of the body politic.

Also, one marks the ways in which Joyce shows how the economies of word and flesh correspond to the Odyssean themes of exile and return that structure the action of _Ulysses_. Further, think of Molly Bloom's rhapsody in "Penelope"--one that accomplishes what Stephen Deadalus calls the "postcreation" by morphing the flesh into the word. Indeed, Joyce's "sin-talks" traverse quite a range and prevail.


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"So, baghdad...and the arab in the ghetto knows better." That's from James Joyce's _Finnegans Wake_. And mark this from _Finnegans Wake_ again: "In the name of Annah the Allmaziful, the Everliving, the Bringer of Plurabilities, haloed be her eve, her singtime sung, her rill be run, unhemmed as it is uneven!"

As I've been working on my piece that explores, among other things, Joyce's interest in the Arab world and in Arabic literature, I've come across a relatively old essay (1998) titled "In the Name of Anna: Islam and Salam in Joyce's _Finnegans Wake_—an essay that arguably demonstartes how Joyce in his _Finnegans Wake_ deliberately fashions a transgressive "secular" version of the sacred Quran. I'm not really sure about the strength and validity of this argument. But, then, I clearly see that Joyce makes "writerly" use of the two books of Arabic literature that enjoy universal renown—the Quran and the _Arabian Nights_.

Also, it's no less interesting that Joyce enthusiastically familiarized himself with some tenth-century Arab writers and even philosophers, among whom particularly outstanding was Abu Hayyan Ali ibn Muhammad ibn al-Abbas al-Tawhidi (that's quite a name!). His work called _Al-Risala al-Baghdadiya (The Baghdad Epistle)—as some Joyce scholars have suggested—is quite remarkable for its structural and thematic affinities with _Ulysses_. Indeed, I'd love to explore those affinities to see what it means for Joyce—both aesthetically and politically—to "al-Tawhidize" part of his magnificent _Ulysses_